The Narco of Narcos: A Profile of Fugitive Mexican Druglord Rafael Caro-Quintero
March 26, 2014
The release of Rafael Caro-Quintero from a Mexican prison in August 2013 was a blow to U.S.-Mexico relations, the reputation of the Mexican justice system, and the drug war. Caro-Quintero had been imprisoned since 1989 for drug trafficking, murder, and perhaps most importantly the abduction, torture and killing of Enrique “Kiki” Camarena, an agent for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). When Caro-Quintero was freed in August 2013—a federal court overturned his sentence because he had been tried in a state court rather than a federal one—the U.S. State Department offered a $5 million reward for information leading to his arrest, while the Mexican Attorney General’s Office also issued a new warrant for his apprehension.
Whether Rafael Caro-Quintero still has clout in the Mexican cartel underworld is uncertain. Born in La Noria, Sinaloa, on October 3, 1952, he is widely considered to be one of the godfathers of the Mexican drug trade; upon his release from prison, one Mexican newspaper referred to him as the “narco of narcos.” Yet he is 61-years-old, and the Mexican drug trafficking landscape has changed immensely since the days when he was in charge. Rather than one or two cartels controlling operations, the situation is far more fluid today, with numerous groups and upstart organizations controlling production and distribution.
This article reviews Caro-Quintero’s rapid rise in Mexico’s drug underworld, reveals his significant ties to the Sinaloa Federation, and attempts to dissect his activities since his release from prison in August 2013. It finds that Caro-Quintero’s importance today is likely mostly symbolic given his age and apparent lack of influence in drug trafficking operations in recent years. It is possible, however, that Caro-Quintero still has clout when it comes to the money laundering side of cartel operations.
A Rapid Rise
In the 1980s, Caro-Quintero was considered a pioneer. He allegedly oversaw operations for the Guadalajara Cartel at Rancho Bufalo, a vast marijuana plantation in the northern Mexican state of Chihuahua with an annual production value of roughly $8 billion. In its prime, the Guadalaraja Cartel was the only drug trafficking organization in Mexico, with a corruption network that spanned the country. Headed by Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo, the Guadalaraja Cartel was responsible for forging the ties to Colombian drug trafficking networks that exist to this day. By the age of 29, Caro-Quintero had reportedly amassed a fortune of $500 million, 36 houses and some 300 companies in the Guadalajara area.
An indictment issued in the Central District of California in June 1989 named Caro-Quintero as a member of the now defunct Guadalajara Cartel. Caro-Quintero’s residence was identified as the location where DEA agent Camarena was tortured and killed. The U.S. Treasury Department identified him as the “mastermind” behind Camarena’s abduction and murder. He was also accused of distributing tens of thousands of tons of marijuana throughout Mexico and into the United States. Upon his arrest in 1985, shortly after the killing of Camarena, Caro-Quintero was charged with murder and sentenced to 40-years in a Mexican prison.
In recent years, in part due to his imprisonment but also as a result of the Guadalajara Cartel’s apparent demise, Caro-Quintero has remained off the radar. In June 2013, shortly before Caro-Quintero’s release from prison, the U.S. Treasury Department released information on him and his primary associates, which linked Caro-Quintero closely to Juan Jose Esparragoza Moreno (also known as “El Azul”), an alleged high-ranking member of the Sinaloa Federation.
The link is significant since it alleges that Caro-Quintero still has criminal ties to one of the men widely believed to be a likely successor to the throne of the Sinaloa Federation. Throughout his life, Esparragoza Moreno has kept a low profile and moved horizontally and vertically between both the Juarez and Sinaloa cartels, effectively utilizing his role as an adviser to “stay in the background,” as one U.S. official explained. Indeed, in many press releases issued by the Mexican government that list the country’s most-wanted drug traffickers, Esparragoza Moreno is often left out. At one point in the late 1990s he was thought to be both a high-ranking member of the Juarez Cartel and a high-ranking adviser in the Sinaloa cartel. The cartels’ relationship at the time was considered to be fluid and disorganized, allowing Esparragoza Moreno to utilize his diplomatic and strategic skills to position himself in both organizations at the same time. It is a feat that has not been duplicated by any other major cartel figure.
Of all the Sinaloa Federation’s senior leaders, Esparragoza Moreno is the one who appears to have suffered the least pressure from the recent years of law enforcement operations. Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada’s son, Vicente, is currently on trial in Chicago, and dozens of Sinaloa cartel lieutenants have been arrested or captured. Drug capo Ignacio “Nacho” Coronel Villareal was killed in a 2010 shootout with the Mexican military, while Arturo Beltran Leyva (also known as “El Barbas”) was killed in a bloody raid on a Cuernavaca apartment complex in December 2009; his brother Alfredo (also known as Mochomo) is in prison. Edgar Valdez Villareal (also known as “La Barbie”) is in a Mexico City prison awaiting extradition. “El Mayo” is still free, but Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman Loera, the most-wanted trafficker in the world, was captured on February 22, 2014, countering conspiracy theories that the Sinaloa Federation was being protected by the Mexican authorities.
The U.S. Treasury Department considers top Sinaloa figure Esparragoza Moreno and Caro-Quintero to be “long-time trafficking partners.” It also named several companies, all located in the vicinity of Guadalajara in central Mexico, as belonging to Caro-Quintero as fronts for illicit activity. This is significant in that it indicates he may still be involved in the drug trafficking business in some way, even if only with respect to financial ties. Regardless, the financial networks of Mexico’s drug traffickers are perhaps the most important element of their illicit activity. As the drug trafficking patterns shift and products change, and focus moves from marijuana production to heroin, for example, the money continues to flow and needs to be laundered.
Money laundering is likely Caro-Quintero’s relevance in the Mexican drug trade today. It is unlikely, given his many years of imprisonment, that he has any influence in the business of drug trafficking itself—in spite of dated reports that he retained clout while imprisoned.
The Caro-Quintero-affiliated companies named by the U.S. Treasury Department include real estate ventures, gasoline retailers and agricultural businesses, indicating that money laundered by Caro-Quintero is not small in quantity (in some instances regarding the Mexican drug cartels, the U.S. Treasury Department has named smaller businesses, even daycare centers, as money laundering fronts, and these quite clearly can only sustain smaller quantities of illicit cash; agricultural enterprises and real estate tend to provide cover for much larger quantities of illicit funds).
Also notable is the number of companies designated as connected to Caro-Quintero by the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). Sanctions have been placed on some 20 companies, suggesting that Caro-Quintero still maintains a network through which to launder his money, rather than simply having a few outlets through which to keep movable cash.
Where exactly Caro-Quintero is located may be the clue to deciphering how much influence he still has in the drug business. Shortly after his release from prison, and following the U.S. announcement regarding information leading to his capture, the Mexican Attorney General’s Office (PGR)—which disagreed with the court decision to set him free—released a so-called red notice, alerting Interpol to his status and officially designating him as an international fugitive. The Mexican authorities admit they do not know his whereabouts. “We had him and then he escaped [our grasp],” Mexican Attorney General Jesús Murillo Karam said shortly after Caro-Quintero’s release.
Caro-Quintero, however, has reached out to the authorities himself. In late 2013, he sent a letter to Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto asking that Mexican authorities not bow to U.S. pressure. He has already served his time, he claimed, saying that his family does not deserve more “persecution.”
Still in Pursuit
Caro-Quintero’s brother, Miguel Angel, was extradited to the United States in 2009 and charged a year later for conspiring to import marijuana and racketeering. He was sentenced to 17 years in prison in Denver in 2010. As a result, it is not likely that the authorities will feel the need to apprehend Rafael Caro-Quintero to break down a family network. However, given that the Mexican Supreme Court has overturned the lower court’s decision to set him free, not to mention the fact that Sinaloa leader Guzman claimed to have recently spoken with him, it is likely that Mexican authorities will continue to assist the United States in seeking his capture.
It is also quite likely that in light of Sinaloa leader Guzman’s declarations, U.S. authorities may decide that Caro-Quintero still has clout in the drug trafficking world and put pressure on Mexico to re-arrest him. One former DEA official recently told the El Paso Times that ruling out Caro-Quintero as the “jefe de jefes” (boss of bosses) was impossible given the influence he had in the past. This indicates that at least some in the U.S. intelligence community continue to view Caro-Quintero as a serious threat. With that in mind, it is highly unlikely that Caro-Quintero will spend the rest of his days living quietly in the hills of his home region of Sinaloa.
Malcolm Beith is a freelance journalist and author of The Last Narco: Inside the Hunt for El Chapo, the World’s Most Wanted Drug Lord. A former general editor at Newsweek International, he has also written for Foreign Policy, The New Statesman, The Sunday Times and Foreign Affairs, among other publications. He has just completed a Master’s Degree in War Studies from the University of Glasgow.
 Catherine Sholchet, “U.S. Puts New Bounty on Mexican Drug Lord Caro Quintero,” CNN, November 6, 2013.
 “Narcotics Rewards Program: Rafael Caro-Quintero,” U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, undated.
 “Quien es Rafael Caro Quintero?” Milenio, September 8, 2013.
 “Quien es Rafael Caro Quintero?” Terra Mexico, August 9, 2013.
 “El gran decomiso en el rancho El Bufalo, de Caro Quintero,” El Universal, August 9, 2013.
 “Quien es Rafael Caro Quintero?” Terra Mexico, August 9, 2013.
 U.S.A. v. Rafael Caro-Quintero, Central District of California, 1989.
 “Treasury Sanctions the Network of Drug Lord Rafael Caro Quintero,” U.S. Department of the Treasury, June 12, 2013.
 U.S.A. v. Rafael Caro-Quintero.
 “Treasury Sanctions the Network of Drug Lord Rafael Caro Quintero.”
 Personal interview, U.S. official, September 2013.
 This is based on the author’s observations of Mexican government press releases regarding organized crime between the years of 2007-2012. It is not clear why Caro-Quintero is often left off these lists.
 Olga R. Rodriguez, “Juarez Drug Gang Forms Alliances to Control Border,” Associated Press, February 13, 2005.
 “Consolida al Chapo Guzmán la muerte de Nacho Coronel, señalan datos oficiales,” La Jornada, August 15, 2010.
 “Muere Arturo Beltrán Leyva en Morelos al enfrentar a elementos de la Armada,” La Jornada, December 17, 2009.
 “Detienen a El Mochomo, brazo derecho del Chapo Guzmán,” La Jornada, March 22, 2008.
 “Muere Arturo Beltrán Leyva en Morelos al enfrentar a elementos de la Armada.”
 “Dos testigos protegidos, La Barbie y un militar implicaron a los tres generales,” La Jornada, May 19, 2012.
 See “U.S., Mexico Hunt Elusive ‘El Chapo,’” Washington Times, January 14, 2010; Michael Martinez and Catherine Shoichet, “3 Reasons Why ‘El Chapo’ Arrest Matters,” CNN, February 22, 2014; Malcolm Beith and Jan-Albert Hootsen, “The Rise and Fall of El Chapo,” Vocativ, February 24, 2014.
 “Caro Quintero Organization,” U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, June 2013, available at www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/Programs/Documents/20130612_caro_quintero.pdf.
 In 1989, the Washington Post reported that the drug kingpin had taken over entire cellblocks and remodeled them to his satisfaction; he reputedly also directed family members to redistribute his assets while incarcerated. For more details, see Dolia Estevez, “U.S. Treasury Tracks Secret Bank Accounts of Top Mexican Kingpin,” Forbes, December 5, 2013.
 “Caro Quintero Organization.”
 If he is located in a large cartel-ridden city like Guadalajara or Culiacan, it is likely he remains connected to the drug world and its leadership. If he is in the hills of Sinaloa, however, then he probably has little influence.
 “Emite Alerta a Interpol Para Buscar a Caro Quintero,” Terra Mexico, October 1, 2013; Jan-Albert Hootsen, “Where in the World is Rafael Caro Quintero?” Vocativ, October 4, 2013.
 “A Caro Quintero ‘lo teníamos y se nos fue’: Murillo Karam,” Proceso, September 7, 2013.
 “Caro Quintero envía carta a Peña Nieto,” Milenio, December 3, 2013.
 “Miguel Angel Caro-Quintero Pleads Guilty to Trafficking Massive Amounts of Marijuana from Mexico to the United States,” U.S. District Attorney’s Office in the District of Colorado, October 23, 2009.
 “Controversia por las supuestas confesiones de el Chapo en el helicoptero,” Univision, February 25, 2014.
“Mexican Supreme Court Overturns Decision that Freed Drug Lord,” CNN, November 7, 2013.
 Diana Washington Valdez, “‘Chapo’ Guzman Likely Had Financial Help from Older Drug Lords, Ex-Investigator Says,” El Paso Times, March 10, 2014.